Showing posts with label Rwanda. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Rwanda. Show all posts

Wednesday, June 24, 2009

Movies to Raise Awareness


Why does Hollywood succeed at raising awareness when the mainstream media fails? Drama captures one’s attention and emotions much more effectively than words on a page or a monotone newscaster. When an issue reaches the silver screen it can no longer be swept under the rug. Movies like Hotel Rwanda, The Last King of Scotland, and Blood Diamond have recently had this effect.

Charles Lindbergh once said, “How can there be writhing, mangled bodies? … It is like listening to a radio account of a battle on the other side of the earth. It is too far away, too separated to hold reality.” Lindbergh was speaking of the Holocaust, but his words hold true today. Many people hear reports of conflicts in Africa on the news and then forget about it twenty minutes later, it isn’t their country or their people so they are not interested. They are simply statistics scrolling past them on the bottom of the television screen. But, in movies the drama captivates and the tragedies can no longer be ignored.

Hotel Rwanda is probably the most important of the three aforementioned films because it made genocide real to the world. People began to remember the Rwandan Genocide and began to recognize the genocide in Darfur, Sudan. One of the things that made Hotel Rwanda great is that it is a true story of good prevailing against all odds. Moreover, the film captures the complexity of the conflict, the slaughter, the brutality, ethnic history, political stalemate, the press coverage, the hopelessness of the Red Cross, and the struggle to persevere. The story does not simply display the Rwandans as savages; it also displays the innocent and those who felt obligated to do the right thing.

The Last King of Scotland is a fictional account of Idi Amin’s regime in Uganda in the 1970’s. Though the story of the Scottish doctor is fictional the movie reveals many truths about Idi Amin and the stereotype harsh African dictator. Like Hotel Rwanda, The Last King of Scotland was made long after the events it portrays. The problem with this is that it allows some viewers to believe that the realities of these films are outdated. Although Blood Diamond is a work of fiction, it places the viewer in the present with the real issue of conflict diamonds. As a result of the movies message much more attention has been paid to conflict diamonds and other conflict minerals. Activists and authors have directed attention not only to conflict diamonds but to conflict minerals, such as columbite tantalite in the Democratic Republic of the Congo which is used in cell phones, laptops, and Sony Playstations (cf. “The Congo’s Resource Curse” in the archives).

Film is a valuable asset when raising awareness for a cause and it has been very effective in raising attention for Africa. However, serious movies about Africa come out bi-annually at the most (probably less frequently than James Bond movies). The effectiveness of these films are unquestionable but Hollywood should still do more to raise awareness for Africa. Many celebrities who are advocates for African causes should consider film as a means to make a difference. Perhaps Oprah should produce a movie about Africa or Angelina Jolie should seek out a role in a movie about Africa.

Images from Wikipedia

Tuesday, June 2, 2009

The Origins of International Justice

After World War II there were hundreds of Nazi war criminals who needed to be brought to justice for their participation in the Holocaust. When Franklin Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, and Josef Stalin met to discuss post-war Germany at a conference in Soviet controlled Tehran, Stalin called for the summary execution of 50,000 Germans after the Allied victory, which outraged Churchill who strongly believed in a judicial solution in post-war Germany. (Beschloss 26) As early as 1942, the United States, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom expressed the need to bring these men to justice. Then in October 1943, Roosevelt, Stalin, and Churchill signed the Moscow Declaration, which outlined allied plans for trying Nazi war criminals ("International Military Tribunal at Nuremburg"). Under the Moscow Declaration, most war criminals would be tried in the countries in which they committed their crimes. Higher ranking Nazi war criminals, whose crimes were committed throughout Europe, would be tried by an Allied tribunal. This judicial system was a great victory for Churchill who often felt that he was the third wheel in these allied negotiations.
The twenty-one most culpable Nazi war criminals (excluding Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Josef Goebbels, who committed suicide before the war ended) were tried in Nuremburg by the International Military Tribunal (International Military Tribunal at Nuremburg). Of these twenty-one defendants, twelve were sentenced to death, three were sentenced to life in prison, four were given sentences ranging from ten to twenty years, and only three were acquitted (International Military Tribunal at Nuremburg). One hundred eighty-five other egregious war criminals were tried in a series of twelve trials, which are now known as the Subsequent Nuremburg Proceedings (International Military Tribunal at Nuremburg). However, the vast majority of Nazi war criminals were sent to the countries where their crimes were committed and tried by the laws of that country.
It was through the post war trials that the wide range of inconceivable crimes committed by the Nazis during the Holocaust was first fully exposed. Robert Jackson, chief American prosecutor for the Nuremburg trials, said, “unless record was made… future generations would not be able to believe how horrible the truth was.” (qtd. in “Evidence”) For instance, in concentration camps the bodies of the millions who died were thrown in mass graves, burned in ovens, and the Nazis used their hair to make cloth, bones to make soap, and skin to make parchment. (Night and Fog) But, for fear that future generations would not be able to comprehend the immeasurable atrocities of the Holocaust, the prosecutors at Nuremburg decided to base their case primarily on Nazi records rather than on testimony which could be interpreted as biased (Evidence from the Holocaust). This would not be possible in many ongoing ICC investigations, namely those in Sudan, where the government refuses to cooperate or in other instances such as the Rwandan Genocide, after which many government documents were destroyed. Additionally, mot third-world governments and officials were not as diligent with records as the Nazis were.
Perhaps what is more shocking than the atrocities committed during the Holocaust is the widespread involvement of the German people in carrying out the “Aryanization” of Germany during the Holocaust. Soldiers were not the only criminals, German industrialists funded concentration camps by producing their products at the camps, doctors at the camps tested poisons and drugs on their patients, and common men who were drafted into the SS, SA, and Gestapo became different men who seemingly had no regard for human life. In Ordinary Men, historian, Christopher Browning describes how the Reserve Police Battalion 101, which was filled mostly with husbands and fathers who were drafted into the police because they were too old to serve in the army, killed 1500 Jewish women, children, and elderly Jews; although they were all given the option to leave the battalion, but none of them left (1-3). Perhaps the most disturbing observation about the perpetrator of the Holocaust is that they were not all heartless murderers. Many were loving family men who were simply manipulated into executing the worst crime in history.
The relationship between Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin was essential to how the allies would treat the Holocaust and post war Germany. Stalin once roared, “I propose a salute to the swiftest possible justice for all Germany’s war criminals- justice before a firing squad! … There must be at least fifty thousand.” (Beschloss 26) To this Churchill replied, “I will not be a party to any butchery in cold blood.” (Beschloss 27) The fact that justice prevailed over draconian slaughter is one of Churchill’s greatest achievements in allied policy.
The Nuremburg trials and other post war trials set a precedent for the current international justice system which is much improved but still very ineffective in preventing genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. The main reason for the ineffectiveness of the International Criminal Court is that it lacks clout and military backing. In order for the ICC to be more effective the international community will have to establish when it is acceptable to infringe on national sovereignty, otherwise war criminals will not be brought to justice until their crimes have taken the lives of thousands while the world watches. Now as in World War II, criminals cannot be tried until they are defeated and the genocide has run its course. We cannot allow genocide to continue based on national sovereignty because genocide is never static. It spreads internationally: the Holocaust spread through most of Europe, the Rwandan genocide spread into the eastern Congolese provinces of Ituri, North Kivu, and South Kivu, and the genocide in Darfur has spread into eastern Chad. It is important to note that the ICC has yet to indict anyone on charges of genocide, despite significant evidence of genocide in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Had Stalin’s draconian summary executions been allowed they would only have perpetuated violence. A judicial solution to matters of racial aggression is far more effective in stopping violence. For example, after the Rwandan Genocide in 1994, the defeated Hutus fled to the Democratic Republic of the Congo where they have fallen into a disturbing pattern of violence with Tutsi rebel groups. However, after a warlord, such as Laurent Nkunda is arrested violence drops.
National Soveriegnty is of particular concern in Sudan, which is not a party to the ICC. In Sudan, which is not a member of the ICC, ICC is operating on a United Nations Security Council mandate. However, the Sudanese government, even before president Al-Bashir was indicted, refused to allow ICC inspectors into Sudan to investigate. It will be difficult to end the Genocide in Darfur and bring its perpetrators to justice until Sudan cooperates with other nations and international bodies such as the ICC, whether it be coerced or voluntary. A modern example of international cooperation working to ensure justice was when the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, who had previously been at odds for over a decade, worked together to capture Tutsi warlord Laurent Nkunda. Nkunda was the commander of the largest Tutsi rebel group in the Congo, the Tutsi National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP) (Kahorha). Nkunda is being investigated by the ICC for war crimes and crimes against humanity, although he has yet to be indicted, it is expected that the ICC will indict him in the future. Nkunda is suspected of committing war crimes including murder of noncombatants, rape, sexual slavery, and the use of child soldiers (Kahorha). The success of cooperation between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo demonstrates the need for international cooperation to stifle the spread of genocide.
After the Rwandan Genocide in 1994, which predated the ICC, the prosecution of war criminals was remarkably similar to the post World War II trials. The genocide itself eerily mirrored the Holocaust, methodical list of proscribed people were produced, ethnic identity cards became the equivalent of the yellow stars of the Holocaust, and Hutus employed a full spectrum of people in its plot: “doctors, nurses, teachers, priests, nuns, businessmen, government officials of every rank, even children.” (A Human Rights First report on the ICTR and National Trials) The most egregious offenders were tried by an ad hoc international tribunal, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, which was established by a United Nations Security Council resolution. Other offenders were tried in Rwandan courts and due to the massive number of defendants some were even tried by local tribal committees. In addition, many soldiers were tried in military courts and in some cases jointly with civilians. (“A Human Rights First report on the ICTR and National Trials”)
Despite the pitfalls of the current international justice system, the ICC has established itself as a legitimate international body. Instead of the laws and definitions used in the Nuremburg trials, which were made ex post facto, current international law is clearly defined in the charter of the ICC and the Geneva Conventions. Additionally, one crucial article in the charter of the ICC reaffirms the ruling of the International Military Tribunal: that following the orders of a superior officer is not a sufficient defense. Moreover, the ICC is a permanent institution rather than an ad hoc military tribunal. Despite the progress it has made the ICC needs to establish more authority beyond simply issuing warrants.
The post war trials of Holocaust perpetrators are invaluable, because they documented the unimaginable atrocities of the Holocaust and laid the foundation for international justice. Much of what is known about the Holocaust was revealed in the post war trials. Furthermore, the men who participated in the Holocaust were brought to justice by fair trials rather than by summary execution. When the allies established the International Military Tribunal they laid the cornerstone for international justice prior to and including the ICC.


Bibliography

Browning , Christopher. Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final
Solution in Poland. Harper Perennial. 2001.
“Congolese Rebel Leader Captured in Rwanda” National Public Radio. January 23, 2009. National Public Radio. May 3, 2009.
“Evidence from the Holocaust.” United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. March 11,
2009. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. April 21, 2009.


Goldston, Robert. The Life and Death of Nazi Germany. New York: Fawcett World
Library, 1967.

“A Human Rights First report on the ICTR and National Trials” Human Rights First. July
1997. Human Rights First. May 4, 2009.


“International Military Tribunal at Nuremburg.” United States Holocaust Memorial
Museum. March 11, 2009. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. April 21,
2009.
Jacques Kahorha. “Nkunda Responds to Possible ICC Indictment” The Journal of Turkish Weekly. February 22, 2008. The Journal of Turkish Weekly. May 3, 2009.
Night and Fog [Nuit et Brouillard]. Written by Jean Cayrol. Dir. Alain Resnais. 1955.
Finland: Argos Films.

“Who Else was Brought to Trial? The Subsequent Nurmemburg Proceedings.” United
States Holocaust Memorial Museum. March 11, 2009. United States Holocaust
Memorial Museum. April 21, 2009.

Williams, Neville. The Hutchinson Chronology of World History: The Modern World: 1901-1998. Vol. 4. Oxford: Helicon Publishing Ltd. 1999.

Tuesday, March 17, 2009

The Congo's Resources Curse

The Democratic Republic of the Congo is arguably one of the most mineral-rich countries in the world. The Democratic Republic of the Congo has vast deposits of oil, coltan (columbite-tantalite), cobalt, copper, gold, silver, uranium, diamonds, zinc, manganese, tin, and coal. The Democratic Republic of the Congo has been a major trade partner of the United States in the past and continues to be as in 2006 58.4% of Congolese exports went to the United States.[i] In fact, when under the colonial rule of Belgium, the Belgian Congo (now Democratic Republic of the Congo) provided the United States with the uranium used in the nuclear bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
Columbite-tantalite is an ore, more commonly known as coltan, which is a notable Congolese export that is rapidly gaining value in the global marketplace. Coltan is an essential component of cell phones, laptops, Sony PlayStations, and weapons systems. The price of coltan skyrocketed from $18 per pound in 1998 to $380 in 2000.[ii] This spike in the price has had a profound effect on the Congolese economy since 80% of the known coltan mines are in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Coltan was one of the many natural resources looted by Rwandan troops when they were supposedly in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to pursue Hutu militants responsible for the Rwandan genocide who fled from Rwanda into the eastern Congolese provinces. There are also Tutsi insurgents in the eastern provinces, who are seeking revenge against Hutu rebels. Most organized Tutsi insurgents are led by General Laurent Nkunda. In December 2008, Congolese President Joseph Kabila deployed 25,000 troops into suppress Nkunda’s insurgency in the east.
There is evidence that shows how in 1998 Rwandan troops looted 1,500 tons of coltan, which the Democratic Republic of the Congo had been stockpiling for seven years, and shipped it to the Rwandan capital of Kigali. At the time that amount of coltan would have been worth only $54 million; however two years later that quantity would be worth $1.14 billion, because the value skyrocketed due to a rapidly growing demand for coltan in cell phones, laptops, and Sony PlayStations. Due to the Congolese Civil War, Congolese exports of coltan decreased in 2000 and caused a shortage of the Sony PlayStation 2 during the holiday season.
Rwandan troops looted many Congolese natural resources including coltan, gold, diamonds, timber, and coffee in the late 1990’s. There are several Rwandan export statistics which blatantly demonstrate looting of Congolese mines by Rwandan troops. Rwanda did not produce any coltan in 1999, but Rwanda exported 69.5 tons of coltan that year. Since only a pick and shovel are needed to mine coltan Rwandan troops would often force prisoners or impoverished Congolese village people to mine the coltan. Although Rwanda has no diamond mines, Rwandan diamond exports increased from 166 carats in 1998 to 30,500 carats in 2000. That same year Rwanda produced a mere 0.0044 tons of gold, yet Rwandan gold exports totaled 10.83 tons. All of these increases were due to Rwandan forces looting Congolese mines.
Copper serves as an exemplar of the devastating economical effects of the Congolese Civil War and the Congo wars. Copper was once an essential Congolese export, but copper production in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has declined exponentially due to the Congo wars and the Congolese Civil War. In the 1980’s Gecamine, a government owned mining company, produced up to 470,000 tons of copper; however, in 2005, Gecamine only produced 14,000 tons.[iii]
Furthermore, the Congolese government is reviewing the legality sixty-five mining contracts which were granted before the most recent Congolese election. It is feared that many warring factions and corrupt government officials granted these contracts for their own personal gain. The deputy mines minister, Victor Kasongo, explained to the press, “The aim is to bring the Congo to the stage where things are clear, legal and beneficial for all the parties.” In addition to these unlawful contracts the Congolese government has struggled to collect royalties. In 2006, Congolese mining royalties were estimated at $160 million, but the Congolese government only collected a mere $32 million in mining royalties.[iv]
China offered to invest $8.5 billion dollars to build roads, railroads, schools and hospitals; however unlike most relief funds China’s investment would also be used to resurrect the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s once lucrative mining industries. China also built a railroad that is roughly 2,000 miles long from Congolese mines in southeastern Democratic Republic of the Congo to the Congolese silver mines near the Atlantic coast. It would be prudent for the United States to take similar action in the mineral rich regions of Africa so as to improve African relations and ensure natural resource imports. India and Brazil are both discussing similar investments with the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

[i] Pg 114 of a game as old as empire
[ii] A Game as Old as Empire
[iii] Mining firms face Congo crackdown; Ben Laurance Sunday Times of London 10-21-2007
[iv] Mining firms face Congo crackdown; Ben Laurance Sunday Times of London 10-21-2007

Sunday, March 15, 2009

Civil War in the Congo is Worse than in Sudan

“Congo is the deadliest crisis anywhere in the world over the past 60 years. Ignorance about its scale and impact is almost universal and international engagement remains completely out of proportion to humanitarian need.”

-Richard Brennan

The Democratic Republic of the Congo is the third largest country in Africa after Sudan and Algeria and it is located in the heart of central Africa. The Democratic Republic of the Congo is also the fourth most populous country in Africa after Nigeria, Egypt, and Ethiopia. The Democratic Republic of the Congo is also home to the Congo River, which is the most powerful river in Africa and is the second largest river in the world by volume. The Congo River flows through the Congolese rainforests, which are home to many rare and endangered species, and then flows east into the Atlantic Ocean. These are all factors that make the Democratic Republic of the Congo essential to the Great Rift Valley and the great lakes region of Africa.
The Belgian Congo gained its independence from Belgium in 1960 and was known as the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In 1971 the name was changed to Zaire, but the original name of the Democratic Republic of the Congo was restored. When Joseph Kabila was elected the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo he became the first democratically elected Congolese leader in over forty years. Prior to Kabila’s election had been ruled by dictators most recently Kabila himself. Joseph Kabila became dictator after his father, Laurent Desire Kabila, was assassinated in 2001. Despite many rumors that Kabila rigged the election, the emergence of a structured, democratic government offers hope to many Congolese citizens and to the international community.
Since the Congolese Civil War has result in the deaths of 3.9 million men, women, and children since the conflict erupted in 1998. Richard Brennan, the primary author of a study about the Congolese Civil War that was conducted by International Rescue Committee and published in the Lancet, cited the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo as, “the deadliest crisis anywhere in the world over the past 60 years.” He also makes mention of the ignorance exhibited by the global community in regard to the scale and impact of the Congolese Civil War. The most prominent issue is domestic terrorists and rebels who are terrorizing the northeast and east regions of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo is one of the most problematic countries in Africa. The problems that face the Democratic Republic of the Congo are numerous and varied. One of the most prevalent issues are disputes between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda over oil rights in Lake Albert and ownership of Rukwanzi Island, which is a small island in the southern region of Lake Albert. Drinking water is another important issue for the Democratic Republic of the Congo to deal with.
The armed conflict between Congolese and Ugandan troops over Lake Albert’s oil ended a four-year peace between the two countries, which followed the Congo Wars between Ugandan and Congolese forces which lasted from 1997 to 2003. In 1997, Uganda backed Rwandan forces that helped Congolese rebels to overthrow Mobutu Sese Seko, the military dictator of Zaire (now Congo), but Uganda later opposed his successor Laurent Desire Kabila as well. After rising into power changed the name of the country from Zaire back to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In 2001, Kabila was assassinated and he was succeeded by his son Joseph Kabila who is the current president of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. After his death the Ugandan military accused Laurent Kabila of arming rebels and began occupying cities in the east and north-east of Zaire (now Congo). In 2003, Ugandan and Rwandan forces began to pullout and were replaced by 17,500 UN Peacekeepers. After the conflict the International Court of Justice decided that Uganda must compensate the Democratic Republic of the Congo due to atrocities committed against Congolese civilians, which included rape, torture, and murder; another reason for the decision was the looting of Congolese resources by Ugandan forces.


Civil War


The civil war that now ravages the Democratic Republic of the Congo began in 1998 and is the most troublesome issue that is widely overlooked internationally and specifically the western world. The American People were outraged by the United States inaction during the genocide in Rwanda, particularly after the release of the film Hotel Rwanda. The civil war in the Democratic Republic of Congo has resulted in the death of 3.9 million people both from fighting and diseases caused by the conflict (according to a study conducted by the International Rescue Committee and published in the Lancet, a British medical journal). The 3.9 million deaths that have occurred during the civil war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo are nearly four times more than resulted from the genocide in Rwanda it is also makes the Congolese Civil War the most deadly conflict since World War II and the Holocaust. The Congolese Civil War has resulted in the deaths of more people than the conflict in Iraq, the conflict in Afghanistan, and the Genocide in the Darfur region of Sudan combined. This conflict is also one of the most disturbing as well with rebel militias raping women and spreading HIV/AIDS as a weapon, the Democratic Republic of the Congo is being stripped of its natural resources much as it was when it was ruled by Belgium, and most disturbingly, one rebel faction has been accused cannibalism stemming from reports that some rebels had murdered innocent Pygmies, who have no part in the conflict, and then ate them. The United States government now shows similar inaction in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, yet the uproar from the American public is seemingly nonexistent in comparison to the uproar that resulted from the United States’ inaction during the genocide in Rwanda. One factor which may contribute to the American public’s unawareness of this conflict is that the US is currently at war and most of the outcry for African struggles is about the genocide in the Darfur region of Sudan. Between early 2007 and April 2008 alone 550,000 people have fled from their villages in the eastern Congolese provinces of Ituri, North Kivu, and South Kivu.[i] Many who flee from their villages become malnourished and become more susceptible to many diseases which can kill them.
Although the Congolese Civil War officially ended the conflict continues and it is now concentrated primarily in the mountainous eastern provinces of Ituri, North Kivu, and South Kivu of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. There are an estimated 20,000 rebels in the east belonging to various rebel factions. These groups are responsible devastating entire villages as well as raping and murdering innocent civilians. The 17,000 UN peacekeeping troops in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is the largest UN peacekeeping force in the UN’s history and is known by the acronym MONUC. Of the 17,000 UN peacekeepers nearly ninety percent are stationed in the near-anarchical eastern provinces of Ituri, North Kivu, and South Kivu. The east has been a lawless region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo gained independence from Belgium in 1960. Since 1960, the east has lacked a structured government and has been primarily ruled by warlords and militia leaders. Among the rebel factions in the east are Hutu rebels, the ethnic extremists who were responsible for the genocide in Rwanda in 1994. Most Hutu rebels are members of the FDLR (Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda), who fled from Rwanda after the genocide ended in July 1994. President Kabila and the Congolese government have struggled to suppress these rebel militias in the eastern provinces, despite a strong military presence as well as the thousands of UN peacekeepers stationed in the east.
Another notable rebel faction was led by Jean-Pierre Bemba, a Congolese senator who lost to Joseph Kabila in the 2006 presidential election. Bemba went into exile in Portugal after his rebel backers were defeated by Congolese troops in 2007. In May 2008, Senator Bemba was arrested in Belgium and is now being charged for war crimes by the International Criminal Court.
Congolese rebel factions are funded in various ways mostly through the smuggling of natural resources, which robs the government of profit. When Rwandan troops were in the Democratic Republic of the Congo they looted many Congolese resources and then funded and backed Congolese rebel militias. But, even after Rwandan troops withdrew smuggling continued. In 2004, seventeen tons of ivory, which came from five-hundred to a thousand illegally poached elephants, were smuggled out of the Congolese province of Ituri alone.[ii] There have also been surprising reports that some UN peacekeepers are supplying Hutu rebels, whom they are supposed to be fighting, with ammunition in exchange for illegally poached ivory.[iii] In another report, Indian and Pakistani UN peacekeepers were accused by the BBC of exchanging their weapons with rebels from the FNI militia, a rebel militia operating in Ituri, in exchange for gold. Another concern in the Congolese forests of Ituri is the okapis. Okapis are a rare species of forest giraffes that are only found in the Ituri province, but during the war they were poached and their pelts were smuggled into neighboring Uganda where they were sold illegally to fund rebel militias in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Despite the ecological problems of war, peace could cause even more. If there was peace in the eastern provinces, international timber companies might be attracted to Congolese rainforests including those in Ituri. Industrial logging in the forests would devastate the now fragile ecosystems in the Congolese rainforests. The obvious threat is deforestation which would reduce the habitat of many endangered species including the okapis and several species of elephants. Logging is still occurring on a far smaller scale as rebels are smuggling timber in ways similar to coltan and other Congolese natural resources.
In the Ituri jungle a semi-nomadic people, the Pygmies, who still live and hunt in ways long forgotten in the western world, have been caught in the crossfire of this deadly conflict in the Ituri province. Pygmies are believed to have been the first people to settle in the area now known as the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Pygmies will go to villages and work in the fields in exchange for food and metal tools, but many farmers take advantage of the Pygmies. There have been disturbing accounts of members of a Congolese rebel faction, MLC (Movement for the Liberation of Congo), murdering and eating Pygmies in Ituri.
Unfortunately, Congolese civilians have frequently been victims of the Congolese Civil War often times women and children. Both Congolese rebels and the Congolese army have used rape as a barbaric weapon of war against innocent civilians during the civil war. Soldiers and rebels will often rape women in public places and force the victim’s family watch. Even worse is that some rebels will force men at gunpoint to rape their own mothers, sisters, and even daughters. Furthermore the UN Fund for Women and various other human rights organizations have estimated that hundreds of thousands of Congolese women and girls have been raped; however an exact figure is unattainable since the vast majority of rapes are not reported because social stigma brought on the victims. Roughly 4,500 cases of sexual violence were reported in the Congolese province of South Kivu in only the first six month of 2007. In addition, to that staggering figure the UN estimates that for everyone instance that is reports ten or twenty will go unreported because of the harsh social stigma brought upon the victims. Even more disturbing are some of the accounts of the vicious attacks. Some victims are as young as eighteen months and are raped in front of their parents and other victims are as old as seventy-five years old. In other accounts the assailants rubbed salt in the victims eyes until she was blind so as to ensure that she could not identify her attackers. Additionally, more than a quarter of Congolese rape victims contract HIV/AIDS. These women are then viewed as “contaminated” and they are shunned by their village and abandoned by their husbands. Also, many refugees feel when they reach a UN refugee camp that they are safe, but unfortunately women are raped in these camps everyday because of this false sense of security.
The effects of rape are not only felt emotionally and physically by the victim, but they are also felt by the village and local economy. Women would usually tend to the fields and harvest the crops, but now more and more women are staying inside. They fear that they could be abducted from their fields and raped. This has caused a rapid decline in agricultural production which has crippled many localized economies and also has caused many to go hungry. These violent rapes have also destroyed the trust many Congolese women once had since many of these assaults were committed by neighbors, taxi drivers, and even teachers.


[i] Economist atrocities beyond words
[ii] National Geographic a hole in the forest sep. 2005
[iii] economist


Images from:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congo#Civil_Wars